NZ Labour – The Feminist Election Campaign
As one commenter reminded us recently, Barack Obama won his last presidential campaign by chasing the female vote.
I have made the point before that feminism is not a viable economic model, and taken to its natural conclusion there will be a point, at which it breaks the back of the federation – obviously that raises the question, who will be the last president of the United States of America?
Ask yourself this; what would an extreme feminist campaign look like and would it be easily identifiable?
There would be three key elements to look for;
Seen anything like this recently?
If you look past Labour’s campaign slogans, that simple strategy became undeniably visible, when party leader, David Cunliffe, kicked off their campaign by apologising for and demonising men.
Another commenter pointed out that Cunliffe was elected by the party; however that is not how I would see it.
There is a dominant feminist-faction in labour that wanted a manageable figure head. Cunliffe, a former diplomat who knows how to satisfy political masters and being the elitist politician he is, would happily trade trotting out their extreme feminist campaign to fulfil his dream of being prime minister – they’ve got him by the puppet strings.
These same feminists quietly waiting in Labour’s back room, would have pointed this out and Brenda Pilot, PSA (1) secretary and Helen Kelly, CTU (2) president, both staunch feminists who would have promoted Cunliffe to the unions as the man for the job.
It was a case of a leadership election by feminist fraud – not election by the conscious voter – the unions were conned.
Cunliffe fits well with ALP (3) leader Bill Shorten – they are both elitist politicians (No doubt they see themselves as a wonderful combination for Trans-Tasman leadership) but Cunliffe so much more so, that he couldn’t be bothered turning up to his deputy’s (David Parker) conference speech.
Parker was quick to distance himself from Cunliffe insisting he is ‘egalitarian'(4).
They are both addressing factions of the party, but that’s Labour as it is.
That confirms the distance between Cunliffe and Parker, who obviously still has leadership aspirations. Even if Cunliffe hasn’t worked it out, his useful purpose is only to front an election campaign, any spoils of victory would be short lived with Cunliffe destined to join the growing collection of failed puppets alongside Phil Goff and David Shearer.
Is there a manly side left in Labour – that’s a question of integrity.
Anti-Male. Anti-Family. Long live the mothers and children of the feminist dream. Feminist dogma has become Labour policy and we would pay a high price should it succeed more than it already has.
Watch the dining-room tables burn and let our next generation graze at the refrigerators of New Zealand. It doesn’t matter what your education policy looks like if children come to school from a broken down society.
They will come happily to school to eat their free lunch but not hungry to learn.
It’s all a bit of a mess really, but what else would expect from a political environment that insists its primary requirement is to burn men at the stake of extreme feminism.
1. PSA – Public Service Association
2. CTU – Council of Trade Unions
3. ALP – Australian Labor Party
4. Egalitarian – believing in equality for all people.
In a Labour leadership primary the vote of the caucus is given a 40 per cent weighting, as is the vote of the wider membership, with unions holding 20 per cent of the vote.
Last year Robertson was defeated in his bid to become leader, despite winning the support of 16 of the 34 MPs in the Labour caucus, against 11 who backed Cunliffe and seven who picked Jones.
The raw data from members and affiliated unions was only made public.
The numbers show that among party members, Cunliffe had the support of 3243 members, compared to 1440 who selected Robertson and 709 who picked Jones.
And when it came to the unions, the backing was even more emphatic.
Among delegates in the Dairy Workers Union, 33 backed Cunliffe, six backed Jones and Robertson did not win a single vote.
Among EPMU delegates, 25 delegates backed Cunliffe, eight backed Robertson and two back Jones.
In the Maritime Union, 15 delegates chose Cunliffe for leader, one chose Jones and none backed Robertson.
In the Meat Workers Union, 22 preferred Cunliffe, six Jones, and one Robertson.
In the Rail and Maritime Transport Union 18 chose Cunliffe, three Robertson and two Jones.
The vote in the Service and Food Workers Union was the only one which was anywhere near close, with members of the union voting rather than simply delegates.
But Cunliffe was still the preferred candidate, with 254 members giving him their vote, 177 backing Robertson and 66 backing Jones.
